INTERVIEW

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Prayut must seek backing of parties

Published September 26, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Prayut-must-seek-backing-of-parties-30294524.html

INTERVIEW

Former Parliament president Bhichai Rattakul spoke to “Prime Time by Thepchai” news programme on Nation TV 22 about revival of the “Prem Model”, by which a candidate can take the helm of government with the backing of Parliament and political parties, reminiscent of the terms in office in the 1980s of General Prem Tinsulanonda, now president of the Privy Council.

Excerpts from an interview with the 90-year-old political veteran.

WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THE POSSIBILITY OF “PREM MODEL” REPEATING ITSELF?

The world and the country’s situation has changed greatly. It is not easy to use a model adopted for one person in the past in today’s situation. But if this can be done, that is very good.

I personally adore and respect Prem as my superior, brother and colleague because he has got a clean reputation. In addition, he was capable of selecting competent and having good people in his Cabinet. And he is polite.

Prem took office not solely because of the Senate, as extensively reported, but also because political parties agreed to back him and invited him to take the helm as the 1978 constitution allowed non-elected premiership.

If Prayut only seeks the support of the Senate, I think it won’t be graceful and sustainable. I see him as a good man who has devoted himself to the work. He has almost the same qualities as Prem but possesses a different personality.

Prayut needs support from political parties to ensure his rise to power would be as graceful as Prem’s. What Prayut must do is get the backing of political parties and be softer.

Prem could restore the country’s economy because he picked the right man for the right job. He asked political parties to nominate morally good people as Cabinet members, while using good and quality government officials to implement policies. He also invited the private sector once a month for talks. Prayut should follow this pattern. He may not achieve 100 per cent results because of the difference in personalities, but Prayut should not be disheartened if he believes this is a good way to go.

He already has the backing of the military. But this alone is not enough to address the country’s social and economic woes. The question is how to convince political parties to adopt this model. If he is willing to do that, I believe political parties will see the same benefits to the country. If Prayutadopts an aggressive approach, no one will extend a hand.

WHAT WILL HAPPEN AFTER THE ELECTION IF THE PREM MODEL IS ADOPTED?

Prayut may need to make a great deal of effort to get political parties to join forces. If he fails and a general election is called, and the Senate backs him, Prayut would be attacked by political parties non-stop. We will get stuck in endless quarrels. I believe Prayut has a way out. And I believe the country will not reach a dead end, but Prayut must improve himself in several aspects.

If politicians want to become PM, the only way they can beat Prayut is if three or four large parties join hands and the party with the largest MP seats gets the PM’s post. Prayut may not like such a scenario.

CAN THE PREM MODEL ENSURE THE COUNTRY’S POLITICS WILL NOT GO BACK TO SQUARE ONE?

The model emphasises on how to best manage politicians so that they do not engage in wrangling with one another and the country is not marred by such wrangling.

Still, during Prem’s administration, there were at least two coup attempts. If politicians are not alert, they will never get democracy and we will continue to experience such events.

OUR SOCIETY IS STILL DIVIDED. HOW CAN YOU MAKE PEOPLE OF OPPOSITE CAMPS RECONCILE?

I flew down a few years ago to meet Thaksin to solve the problems because I know the key to the problem is Thaksin. He can make both sides join hands, but he must accept the court verdict. Related cases must also be handled in an upfront manner. I admire former prime ministers YingluckShinawatra and Somchai Wongsawat for facing reality in the court. Thaksin’s struggle is still a key to help resolve the conflict. If he comes back to fight the case, the government must ensure justice for him as well.

WHAT ABOUT CRITICISM OF DOUBLE STANDARDS IN THE JUSTICE SYSTEM OF OUR COUNTRY? THE VERDICTS ON THE TWO LARGE PARTIES ARE IN OPPOSITE DIRECTIONS.

If we dare to confront the cases, we should dare to confront the consequences as well. We must adhere to law, not double-standard treatment. I believe in the Thai justice system and I think the court is impartial and rational. I’m now a senior citizen and I wish to see parties reconcile with one another.

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Need for ‘Thailand Team’

Published August 16, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/business/Need-for-Thailand-Team-30291827.html

INTERVIEW

Pisit Serewiwattana

Pisit Serewiwattana

THAILAND needs a new proactive marketing strategy to revive the export sector, which has contracted for three consecutive years, and one answer may be a “Thailand Team”.

That proposal was floated by Export-Import (Exim) Bank of Thailand’s newly appointed president Pisit Serewiwattana. During an interview last week, he said Thai agencies could not go on performing their tasks separately as they have been doing, given the fragile demand in conventional export markets.

“We are selling rice to Mozambique and several small countries. If those countries’ central banks issue letters of credit that say the payment would be completed in 20 years, Exim is ready to guarantee the payments, but it is the Commerce Ministry’s decision whether or not to say yes to this deal. This process could be faster if we had something like a one-stop shop to deal with it,” he said.

“We will need to clinch more deals like this. We cannot follow the conventional means” of doing business with just established buyers.

Thailand’s export value grew by 6.9 per cent per year on average from 2008 to 2012, when revenue hit US$229.5 billion. For the past three years, the sector has been contracting, and revenue fell to $210.9 billion in 2015.

This year’s outlook is not bright either. The Finance Ministry’s Fiscal Policy Office (FPO) last week forecast 2016 export value to slip by 1.9 per cent from last year. Research houses agreed.

The export sector contributes about 70 per cent of gross domestic product. As exports nosedive while demand from key markets like Europe and China falls, |stimulus measures and public investment are needed for Thailand to achieve GDP growth rate of 3.3 per cent as forecast by the FPO.

Pisit’s idea is that at least the Commerce Ministry, the Board of Investment and Exim Bank should jointly establish a “Thailand Team” as a one-stop shop. This could be completed in close consultation with the private sector. In this regard, Thailand should seriously consider Japan’s model, particularly as that country is penetrating “new frontier” markets where most Thai exporters still fear to do business, he said.

The Japan External Trade Organisation (Jetro), part of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, has been used for years as the spearhead in boosting Japan’s exports, particularly in Asia. The agency explores opportunities and risks in target destinations and the information is shared with other agencies. This model supported successful Japanese investment in Thailand, and it is being replicated in Myanmar. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is now active in Myanmar, carrying out a number of development projects in the country to further goodwill there.

In Thailand, the Commerce Ministry and the BOI could be the spearheads, to gauge demand for Thai products and investment. These investment projects would indirectly boost Thai exports, in the same way that Japan has witnessed. At the end, Exim Bank stands ready to guarantee payments with the government’s consent to help replenish financial losses. For exports to conventional markets, Exim will cover 85 per cent of losses incurred from foreign buyers’ payment defaults, but in the new frontiers, the coverage might be 70 per cent.

Pisit said this practice had been successfully executed not only by Japan but also by the United States and China. He believes it must also be adopted by Thailand, which desperately needs to explore new markets.

The Thailand Team would make Thai exporters more confident to tread into new frontier markets.

He said Russia and many countries in southern Africa were promising new frontiers, but information on potential buyers in those markets remains opaque, along with the CLMV (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) subregion. Exim Bank is setting up its first representative office in Myanmar, through which it seeks to build good relationships and strengthen its ability to provide export credit and investment insurance to Thai exporters.

“Reaching these countries when they remain small will create a positive impression,” Pisit concluded.

Tomorrow: Exim Bank seeks a new business model.

Difficulties in reporting under the junta

Published July 18, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Difficulties-in-reporting-under-the-junta-30290788.html

INTERVIEW

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The office of alternative news outlet Prachatai was raided recently by police over suspicion of it being involved in a campaign against the draft charter after one of its reporters was arrested. Prachatai director Chiranuch Premchaiporn tells Sunday Nation’s Juthathip Lucksanawong of the difficulties in working under the junta’s strict controls on critical media.

WHAT DID YOU FEEL WHEN THE POLICE SUDDENLY SHOWED UP TO SEARCH PRACHATAI’S OFFICE ON TUESDAY AND WHAT DO YOU THINK WAS THE REASON BEHIND IT?

It was expected. My reporter [Taweesak Kerdpoka] was charged with allegedly breaching a ban on campaigning against the draft charter on Sunday, while he was covering an anti-junta activists’ event at Ban Pong Police Station in Ratchaburi. Since then, I had expected the police to show up over suspicion of Prachatai being involved in the campaign. As for the reason, I think the search was part of the investigation process concerning my reporter’s case. I have no evidence to think otherwise or believe the authorities are targeting us.

The authorities were reportedly told to search the office by Ban Pong Police Station officers, and they came armed with a search warrant and some plainclothes military officers.

THE AUTHORITIES SAY TAWEESAK WAS ARRESTED BECAUSE HIS ACTIONS LOOKED LIKE HE WAS PARTICIPATING IN AN ANTI-DRAFT CAMPAIGN. HE WAS ALLEGEDLY NOT ARRESTED BECAUSE HE WAS GATHERING FACTS OF THE EVENT LIKE A JOURNALIST. YOUR THOUGHTS?

This remark sounds quite unreasonable really. The police should have contacted Prachatai to find out if Taweesak was indeed a reporter. He was not involved in the activists’ activity. He had gone there to cover the event and had been assigned to follow up on the student activists. He rode along with the activists in the pick-up truck, which is normal practice among journalists. He also identified himself as a reporter, but the police still insisted on arresting him. I believe this was either because the authorities were biased or pressured by their bosses to do so.

DO YOU THINK THE AUTHORITIES ARE TARGETING TAWEESAK OR PRACHATAI?

Neither, I think. The problem lies in Article 61 of the Referendum Act. The law is written vaguely and needs to be clearer – it should identify what people can or cannot do – in order to encourage freedom of speech. The charter drafters and the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) do not allow opponents to voice their opinions, which has triggered a massive crackdown on anti-draft activists.

The general public is becoming fearful and the media has started to censor itself by not reporting anti-draft activities or campaigns. This climate of fear should not exist during the run-up to the August plebiscite, when people should get both sides of the information.

JUDGING BY THE CASE OF PRACHATAI, DO YOU THINK THE GOVERNMENT IS TRYING TO CONTROL THE MEDIA?

Yes, I would say so. Opponents hardly dare to voice their opinions, and if they do, the media may not cover it, as it is risky.

DO YOU THINK THE MEDIA UNDER THE REGIME NEEDS TO CENSOR ITS COVERAGE MORE STRICTLY?

Each media organisation has different limitations. Broadcast media is regulated by state agencies. Online media and newspapers are likely to be affected by the Computer Crime Act, the NCPO orders and Article 61 under the Referendum Act, which is ambiguous.

IN YOUR OPINION, WHY HAVEN’T ANY “DOS AND DON’TS” BEEN CLEARLY INTRODUCED TO THE PUBLIC?

I think if the state does make it clear, then it would say “do not criticise or verbally attack the draft”, but it cannot say this. This is why it has written such a broad clause in the Act, so the authorities can broadly interpret it and charge the opponents.

Article 61 bans the dissemination of “false”, “rude”, “inciting”, and “intimidating” information about the referendum. Under such a vague law, the media cannot report on critical subjects. There are no reports comparing the draft’s pros and cons, or the consequences the referendum may have in different scenarios. So far, the public still does not know what would happen if the draft is rejected. It seems people have no choice but to accept the draft.

WHAT CAN FIX THIS?

I want to see a clear guideline on the “dos and don’ts”. The defenders of media’s rights should also be active and call on concerned authorities to not restrict or interfere with the media and allow inclusive debates.

FOR PRACHATAI, HAS FEAR AFFECTED ITS FUNCTIONS AS A MEDIA OUTLET?

We are a little fearful, but I have been trying to keep the working team calm. We do not let fear interfere with our work quality. We still cover subjects that matter to the public and I talk to my team often enough to ease their tension.

WHAT SETS PRACHATAI APART FROM MAINSTREAM MEDIA?

We cover news on a small scale, as we have limited manpower – just 20 people. We report on what the mainstream media does not, and provide a space for ordinary people to speak up.

SINCE PRACHATAI WAS FOUNDED IN 2004, WHAT HAS BEEN CHANGED SO FAR AND HOW?

Prachatai has been under high pressure since the 2014 coup, while human-rights infringement issues and the state’s abuse of power occurs on a daily basis. These matters are our focus. Our reporters are hard working.

WHAT DID PRACHATAI FOCUS ON BEFORE THE COUP?

We have witnessed two coups – 2006 and 2014 – since Prachatai was established in 2004. Also there have been four major demonstrations – the People’s Alliance for Democracy in 2006 and 2008, United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship in 2010 and People’s Democratic Reform Committee in 2013-2014. We have followed up on political turmoil. But the latest coup has given rise to the most threatening situations. Only a few sources dare to speak up or frankly criticise the political situation. The sources are also censoring themselves.

WHAT IS THE DIRECTION PRACHATAI WILL TAKE AND WILL ITS FRAMEWORK EXPAND?

I don’t think it will change that much. Though we have not considered that matter at the moment, and just want to focus on what we are doing right now.

Communications agency sees big potential in CLMV countries

Published June 16, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/business/Communications-agency-sees-big-potential-in-CLMV-c-30287529.html

INTERVIEW

Havas Riverorchid’s founding partner and chief executive officer, Santiphong Pimolsaengsuriya, reveals his communications agency’s latest developments and the promising CLMV markets (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam). Here are some excerpts of that interview.

Your experience in CLMV

McCann-Erickson sent me to Cambodia in 1995 to help set up its agency there. After five years, it started to expand to the other CLMV countries.

There were plenty of opportunities, but foreign agencies saw there were [also] high risks. Hence I later decided to form a joint venture, River Orchid, with my foreign partner in 2000.

During the subsequent 15 years we gradually expanded to have offices in all CLMV markets, using Thailand as our base. We had many Thai clients as well as some foreign firms that had their bases in Thailand.

Then last year, [French multinational advertising and public relations company] Havas, which had no office in Indochina, took a 51-per-cent share in the company.

With the acquisition, we have gained access to technology, work systems, funding sources and a larger client base, and we can get insight into the trends in developed markets, which usually lead the way into other markets.

This is another step for the company, which has grained strengths and can serve its clients better, while also offering more opportunities for our employees.

How does Havas stand in the world’s advertising markets?

There are five or six large agency groups that command about |70-80 per cent of the world’s markets, and Havas is one of them. |We are strong in Europe and the US but less known in Asia. But |our strength is not only about the size.

While we are listed in the French and New York stock markets, our major shareholder is the Bollore Group, which owns a family business that runs many [other] businesses.

As a family business, it does not have to focus solely on short-term profit, which is good for our business that operates in high-growth markets.

The CLMV economies are growing by 6.5-9 per cent, with more than 10-per-cent growth in advertising.

Havas Riverorchid currently has 240 staff. Only 10-20 of them are in Bangkok, since we use Thailand as only a base to take care of our clients.

We grew by 29 per cent during the first four months of this year.

Even though Havas is far away, it has seen that it will reap huge benefits over the long term. Thai companies should also see this opportunity. They must have courage and a risk-management system in place.

Most Thai firms are still fearful and just send their goods [into other markets] first. But they won’t survive in these markets if they do not take things seriously. Small and medium-sized enterprises, in particular. This is because they have little experience in conducting overseas businesses. But I think CLMV can be the test markets for them, since we have many advantages such as in language, culture and proximity. They can also have border trade as support.

How do you define your company’s role, a CLMV market specialist?

We define ourselves as “communication specialist”. We can help conduct market and consumer research, plan market entry, [undertake] creative works, digital communications, PR retail marketing, event marketing, and so on.

Where we can’t help much is in distribution and legal.

Our billing reached US$30 million last year, an increase of 24 |per cent from 2014. Most of our clients are multinational firms including Unilever, Coca-Cola, Samsung, Nestle, and Johnson & Johnson.

The CLMV markets have very high potential. We have seen new customers coming in nearly every week, especially in Myanmar, where a lot of Japanese companies have been going to. Many Vietnamese firms have also come to Myanmar. We have also started to see some CLMV brands coming out to invest in other countries, such as Dao Coffee.

What are among your key achievements?

We have helped SCG in Cambodia since the start when it opened a cement factory there a decade ago. We also helped it to launch a new brand, K cement, which has been the No 1 cement brand [in Cambodia] since Day 1.

Other customers include TC Pharma, which we helped solve problems for taking its Sponsor electrolyte drink into the Vietnamese market, where consumers usually perceive that energy drinks must have a yellow colour. Gambol sneakers are also our client in Cambodia.

Thai firms often fail because they think these markets are the same as the Thai market, but they are not. The TV ad rates |in Cambodia, for example, are |very cheap: about Bt20,000 per minute, compared with Bt300,000-Bt400,000 in Thailand. Or in Vietnam, you shouldn’t use the southern dialect in a TV ad in the north and vice versa.

Referendum on charter will reflect public opinion on NCPO: Paiboon

Published May 30, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Referendum-on-charter-will-reflect-public-opinion–30286032.html

INTERVIEW

Justice Minister General Paiboon Koomchaya

Justice Minister General Paiboon Koomchaya

Justice Minister General Paiboon Koomchaya said he believed the August referendum on the charter draft had political implications in terms of whether the public accepts or disapproves of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).

Paiboon spoke during an interview given to a new programme, “PrimeTime” hosted by Nation Multimedia Group Editor-in-Chief Thepchai Yong, set to be telecast tonight on Nation TV.

Although Paiboon admitted public approval of the charter draft in the referendum could be implied as an approval of the NCPO, he said it did not mean the charter draft was not a good one if the public rejected the draft.

“There could be other factors that may cause this draft to be voted down like many good people who do not have the chance to run the country. Is there any guarantee that MPs who win seats are good people?” he said. Paiboon still maintains his strong belief that the NCPO survives because of public support and not because of its iron grip and crackdown on its critics.

“Do you sincerely believe that harsh law can control people? Today if there are millions of protesters coming out, any law or any NCPO orders are meaningless. We issue laws and orders to make it convenient for us to run the country and not to control people, because you cannot control people. The incident before May 22, 2014 is a living testimony. The country had law but gunmen shot at people like crazy,” he said.

Asked what kind of democracy the country would have after the next election [if, as during the administration of former PM General Prem Tinsulanonda, democracy was dubbed ‘half-baked’], Paiboon said he could not give the charter draft any label – but he believed democracy during Prem’s administration was a perfect democracy that was in line with the country’s context.

“Today people hold him [Prem] in high regard for building and re-regulating the country. We hope that the NCPO will follow in his footsteps. General Prem contributed to the country’s development in many ways and subsequent governments should have continued his legacy – but things change after we have full-fledged democracy,” Paiboon said.

When asked if he thought the Prayut government would face stronger public resistance over the government’s crackdown on freedom of expression, Paiboon insisted that only public faith would keep the Prayut government in power.

He said the government must work hard to make the public understand it and the country’s context and situation. “We must make the people understand us. No NCPO order can force the people’s feelings. Charter draft opponents cannot make the public lose faith in the NCPO. No government can survive if it does not have the faith of the people who are being ruled,” he said.

Paiboon has said he would step down if the charter draft did not pass a public referendum.

“The PM asked me three times and I have never changed my conviction,” he added.

“If you do not have faith in what I give you, why should I stay? If you have confidence in me, you must believe me that [the charter] must be this way first. It is like many countries that they believe in their [national] leader and they prosper.”

Charter ‘not strong enough to fight graft’

Published February 13, 2016 by SoClaimon

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Charter-not-strong-enough-to-fight-graft-30278717.html

INTERVIEW

National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) member Wicha Mahakun and Auditor-General Pisit Leelavachiropas both believe that the constitution draft is not “really cruel” in its anti-corruption provisions. They talked to Somroutai Sapsomboon and Jakrawan Salaytoo during Nation TV’s Kom Chad Luek talk show.

CAN THIS DRAFT CONSTITUTION COMBAT CORRUPTION?

Wicha: The interesting point is that the NACC, the Office of the Auditor-General [OAG] and the Election Commission can suspend potentially damaging populist policies offered up by political parties, such as the rice-pledging scheme. This mechanism will keep a watch, but not really eradicate corruption, because corrupt officials are always looking for opportunities. Hong Kong has succeeded in its anti-graft mechanisms by adopting a defensive approach and plugging loopholes in the law. Building anti-graft mechanisms in law is only a partial accomplishment. The other half depends on its enforcement.

Pisit: This charter draft does focus on fighting corruption. Even though the 1997 Constitution invented many independent agencies to crack down on graft, time has shown that this did not work. This charter empowers the OAG to monitor corrupt practices without having to wait for petitions to be filed.

We had warned earlier governments that such and such spending was inappropriate and could damage the country, but our warnings were ignored. And we could do nothing. This draft charter empowers us to suspend the project by teaming up with the NACC and the EC, as well as file complaints with Parliament.

The draft charter is not as tough as some people think because it only gives these three agencies the right to propose suspension, but not the power to suspend the projects in question.

WHAT ELSE IS NEEDED IN THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION TO COMBAT CORRUPTION EFFECTIVELY?

Wicha: The 2007 Constitution empowers the public to check on the state and protects them against being sued. Individuals will not face libel suits over tip-offs, hints or for filing complaints against state agencies over alleged irregularities.

It is not possible for an anti-graft agency to solely carry out its duty without locals providing information. I always believe that people should be given access to state information without them having to ask for it in order to combat graft. In other words, people should know what the government knows. All information about state projects should be open to the public via websites that must be updated.

I would like to see more cooperation among anti-graft agencies. The NACC had once asked the OAG to help check on corruption allegations over the construction of a futsal stadium in the Northeast. I want to see the new charter clearly indicate [that all agencies can launch a probe] so we don’t end up passing the responsibility from one to another. We should share work and responsibilities, as well as have open access to all the information.

Enforcement of law is weak and even though we have the best laws, without public participation or without a sense of unity to solve problems, anti-graft efforts will not succeed.

I want this law to be written clearly so the public becomes the arms and legs of agencies established by the charter. We must thank the public for providing tip-offs.

Pisit: Most anti-corruption jobs are carried out after the damage has been incurred. The draft charter should empower anti-graft agencies to stop the executive branch from causing damage instead of waiting for corruption to take place before taking action.

Most anti-graft mechanisms in this charter draft are good, but this is not because the agencies are given more power. Their duty is to safeguard the country’s interests. People who want to work for the country should be willing to be checked and held accountable, and not complain that the anti-graft mechanisms are undemocratic.

Checks and balances are part of democracy. Democracy is not just about people’s rights and liberties. We need mechanisms like Article 44 to stop the executive branch from causing damage, otherwise the damage will be massive.

WHAT OTHER PROVISIONS YOU WOULD LIKE THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION TO HAVE?

Pisit: Even though the Parliament has the right to suspend state projects. What happens if it turns out to be a “spousal Parliament”? How will we be able to deal with cases if the petitions are stalled in Parliament?

If some projects implemented by the executive branch create damage, or if the public believes there is a conflict of interest, some agencies must be given the right to suspend the project until it is proved that there are no irregularities. People who file complaints over corruption allegations must be protected.

Wicha: Once the executive branch in question is undergoing checks, it should stop working temporarily. Permanent officials must be suspended while being investigated over allegations, but we have no mechanisms against politicians facing investigation. If a mechanism like this was in place, then there would be light at the end of the tunnel for the public. Those involved in irregularities must be held politically responsible instead of facing criminal or civil action. We have not gone into details on how they should be punished politically.

The draft charter needs to be clear on whether corrupt officials should be fired. What happens now is if they are high-ranking officials, they are just transferred. The new charter should clearly state that political-office holders who are being investigated over corruption practices cannot enter politics even though their cases have not yet ended.

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